
SPEECH 



OF 



HON. GEORGE F. HOAR, 



OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



DECEMBER 22, 1898, 



AT THE BANQUET OF THE 



NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY, 



OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA. 



^-//^/;. 



WASHINGTOX, 1). C: 

THE SAXTON I'KINTING CO., 

619 R STREKT N. W. 

189<>. 



SPEECH 



OF 



HON. GEORGE F. HOAR, 



OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



DECEMBER 22, 1898, 



AT THE BANQUET OF THE 



NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY, 



OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA. 



\va.shinc;ton, d. c: 

■l'h7': saxton pkintixc; co., 

619 E vSTREET N. W. 






Gift 



DECEMBER 22, 1898. 



I need not assnre this brilliant company how deeply I am 
impressed by the significance of this occasion. I am not vain 
enough to find in it anything of personal compliment. I like , 
better to believe that the ties of common history, of common 
■ faith, of common citizenship, and inseparable destiny, are draw- ' 
ing our two sister States together again. If cordial friendship, 
if warm affection, (to use no stronger term,) can ever exist be- 
tween two communities, they should exist between Massachusetts 
and South Carolina. The)- were both of the " Old Thirteen." 
They were alike in the circumstances of their origin. Both were 
settled by those noble fugitives who brought the torch of liberty 
^ across the sea, when liberty was without other refuge on the face of 
the earth. The English Pilgrims and Puritans founded Massa- 
chusetts, to be followed soon after by thejiuguenot exiles who 
fled from the t)rann}- of King Louis XI\j, after the revocation 
of the edict of Nantes. Scotch Presbyterianism founded Caro- 
lina, to be followed soon after by the P'rench exiles fleeing from 
the same oppression. Evei'ywhere in New England are traces of 
the footsteps of this gentle, delightful, and chivalrous race. All 
over our six States, to-da\-, many an honored grave, many a stir- 
ring tradition bear witness to the kinship between our earh- 
.settlers and the settlers of South Carolina. P^'aneuil Hall, in 
Boston, which we love to call the Cradle of Liberty, attests the 
munificence and bears the n.ame of an illustrious Huguenot. 

These French exiles lent their grace and romance to our his- 
tor\' also. Their .settlements were like clusters of magnolias in 
some warm valley in our bleak New England. 

We are, all of us, in ^Massachusetts, reading again the story of 



the vo\aj^f of the Maxflower, written In William Bradford. As 
\oii have heard, that precious luaiiuscript has latel\- been restored 
to us b\- the kindness of His Orace, the Lord Bishop of London. 
It is, in the eyes of the children of the Pilgrims, the most pre- 
cious manuscript on earth. If there be anythinjr to match the 
pathos of that terrible voyage, it is found in the story of Judith 
Manigault, the F'rench Huguenot exile, of her nine months' voy- 
age from Kngland to South Carolina. Her name I am told, has 
been honored here in every generation since. 
Qf there be a single lesson which the people of this countr\- 
have learned from their wonderful and crowded histor>-, it is that 
the North and South are indispensable to each other. The\- are 
the blades of mighty shears, worthless apart, but, when bound 
))>• an indissoluble Union, powerful, in'esistible, and terrible as the 
shears of Fate; like the shears of Atropos, severing every thread 
and tangled web of evil, cutting out for humanity its beautiful 
garments of Liberty and Light from the cloth her dread sisters 
spin and weave. 

I always delight to think, as I know the people of South 
Carolina delight to think, of these states of ours, not as mere 
aggregations of indixiduals, l)ut as beautiful personalities, moral 
beings, endowed with moral characters, capable of faith, of hope, 
of memory, of pride, or sorrow and of joy, of courage, of hero- 
ism, of honor, and of shame. Certainly this is true of them. 
Their power and glory, their rightful place in liistor}', depended on 
these things, and not on numbers or extent of territorv. 

It is this that justifies the arrangement of the Constitution of 
the United States for equal representation of States in the upper 
legislative chainber, and explains its admirable success. 

The .separate entity and the absolute freedom, except for the 
necessar}' restraints of the Constitution, of our different States, is 
the cause alike of the greatness and the security of the countr\-. 

The words vSwitzerland, France, Kngland, Rome, Athens, 
Massachusetts, vSouth Carolina, \'irginia, America, convey to vour 
mind a distinct antl individual meaning, and suggests an image 
of distinct moral quality and moral being as clearlv as do the 
words Washington, Wellington, or Napoleon. I l)elie\-e it is. 



and I thank God that I believe it is, soniethin^^- ninch higher than 
the average of tlie qualities of the men who make it up. We 
think of Switzerland as something better than the individual 
Swiss, and of France as something better than the individual 
Frenchman, and of America as something better than the indi- 
vidual American. In great and heroic individual actions we 
often seem to feel that it is the country, of which the man is but 
the instrument, that gives expression to its qualit\' in doing the 
deed. // 

It was Switzerland who gathered into her breast at Sempach, 
the sheaf of fatal Austrian spears. It was the hereditary spirit of 
New England that ga\e the word of command bv the voice of 
Buttrick, at Concord, and was in the bosom of Parker at Lexing- 
ton. It was South Carolina whose lightning stroke smote the 
invader bv the arm of j\Iarion, and whose wisdom guided the 
framers of the Constitution through the lips of Rutledge, and 
Gadsden, and Pinckney. 

The citizen on great occasions knows and obeys the voice of 
his country as he knows and obeys an indivi^lual voice, whether 
it appeal to a base or ignoble, or to a generous or noble passion. 
"Sons of France, awake to glory,'' told the French youth what 
was the dominant passion in the bosom of France, and it awoke 
a corresponding sentiment in his own. Under its spell he 
marched through Europe and overthrew her kingdoms and em- 
pires, and felt in Eg)'pt that fort}' centuries were looking down 
on him from the pyramids. But, at last, one June morning in 
Trafalgar Bay there was another utterance, more quiet in its tone, 
but speaking also with a personal and individual voice — " Eng- 
land expects every man to do his duty." 

At the sight of Nelson's immortal signal, duty-loving England 
and glory-loving France met as the}- ha\^e met on many an his- 
toric battlefield before and since, and the lover of dut}- proved 
the stronger. The England that expected ever}- man to do his 
duty was as real a being to the humblest sailor in Nelson's fleet 
as the mother that bore him. 

The title of our American States to their equality, under this 
admirable arrangement, depends not on area, or upon numbers, 



6 

but upon character and upon personality. Fancy a leaj^fue or a 
confederacy in wliicli Athens or Sparta were united witli Persia 
or Babylon or Nineveh and their political power were to be reck- 
oned in proportion to their numbers or their size. 

I lia\-e .sometimes fancied South Carolina and Massachusetts, 
tho.se two illustrious and heroic .sisters, instead of sittinj^ apart, 
one under her ])alni trees and the other under her pines, one with 
the hot gales from the tropics fanning her brow, and the other 
on the granite rocks by her ice-bound shores, meeting together, 
and comparing notes and stories as sisters born of the .same 
mother compare notes and stories after a long separation. How 
the old estrangements, born of ignorance of each other, would 
have melted away. 

Does it ever occur to \ou that the greatest single tribute ever 
paid to Daniel Webster was paid by Mr. Calhoun? And the 
greatest single tribute ever paid to Mr. Calhoun was ])aid by Mr. 
Webster? 

I do not believe that among the compliments or marks of 
honor which atten4ed the illustrious career of Daniel Webster 
there is one that he would have valued so much as that which 
his great friend, his great rival and antagonist paid him from his 
dying bed. 

"Mr. Webster," said Mr. Calhoun, "has as high a standard of 
truth as any statesman whom I have met in debate. Convince 
him, and he cannot reply; he is silent; he cannot look truth in 
the face and oppose it by argument.'" 

There was never, I suppose, paid to John C. Calhoun, during 
his illustrious life any other tribute of honor he would have 
valued .so highly as that which was jxiid him after his death b\- 
his friend, his rival and antagonist, Daniel Weljster. 

"Mr. Calhoun," .said Mr. Webster, "had the basis, the indis- 
pensable basis, of all high character; and that was, unspotted in- 
tegrity — unimpe-ached honor and character. If he had aspira- 
tions, they were high, and honorable, and noble. There was 
nothing grovelling, or low, or meanly .selfish, that came near the 
head or the heart of Mr. Calhoun. I-'irni in his purpo.se, per- 
fectl\- patriotic and honest, as I was sure he was, in the prin- 



7 

ciples he espoused, and in the measures he defended, aside from 
that large regard for that species of distinction that conducted 
him to eminent stations for the benefit of the republic, I do not 
believe he had a selfish motive or a selfish feeling. However he 
may have differed from others of us in his political opinions or 
his political principles, those opinions and those principles will 
now descend to posterity-, and under the sanction of a great 
name. He has lixed long enough, he has done enough, and he 
has done it so well, so •successfully, so honorably, as to connect 
himself for all time with the records of the coimtry. He is now 
an historical character. Those of us who have known him here 
will find that he has left upon or.r minds and upon our hearts a 
strong and lasting impression of his person, his character, and 
his public performances, which, while we live, will never be 
obliterated. We shall hereafter, I am sure, indulge in it as a 
grateful recollection that we have lived in his age, that we have 
been his contemporaries, that we have seen him and known him. 
We shall delight to speak of him to those who are rising up to 
fill our places. And, when the time shall come that we our- 
selves shall go, one after another, in succession, to our graves, 
we shall carry with us a deep sense of his genius and character, 
his honor and integrity, his amiable deportment in private life, 
and the purity of his exalted patriotism." 

Just think for a moment what this means. If any man ever 
lived who was not merely the representati\-e, but the embodi- 
ment of the thought, opinion, principles, character, qualit\-, in- 
tellectual and moral, of the people of South Carolina, for the 
forty years from 1810 until his death, it was John C. Calhoun. 
If any man e\-er lived who not merely was the representative, 
but the euibjdiment of the thought, opinion, principles, charac- 
ter, quality, intellectual and moral, of the people of Massachusetts, 
it was Daniel Webster. Now if, after forty years of rivalry, of 
conflict, of antagonism, these two statesmen of ours, most widely 
differing in opinions on public questions, who never met but to 
exchange a lilow, the sparks from the encounterofwho.se mighty 
swords kindled the fires whicli s])read over the continent, thought 
thus of one another, is it not likely that if the States thev rep- 



8 

resented could have met with the same intimacy, with the same 
knowledj^e and companionsliip dnrin^;" all these \ears, the)', too, 
would ha\e understood, and understanding;, would have loved 
each other? 

I should like to have had a chance to hearken to their talk. 
Wh)-, their j^ossip would almost make up the history of liberty! 
How they would boast to each other, as sisters do, of their 
children, their beautiful and brave! How many memories they 
would fnid in common! How tb.e warm Scotch-Irish blood 
would stir in their veins! How the Puritan and the Presbyterian 
blood would quicken their pulses as they recounted the old 
strufji'j^les for freedom to worship (iod! What stories the\- 
would have to tell each other of the day of the terrible knell 
from the bell of the old tower of St. Germain de L'Auxerrois, 
when the edict of Nantes was revoked and sounded its alarm to 
the Huf^uenot exiles who found refu<Je, some in South Carolina 
and some in Massachusetts! You ha\e heard of James Bowdoin, 
of Paul Revere, and Peter P'aneuil, and Andrew Sigourney. 
These men brought to the darkened and gloomy mind of the 
Puritan the sunshine of beautiful France, wdiich South Carolina 
did not need. They taught our Puritans the much needed les- 
son that there was something other than the snare of Satan in 
the song of a bird or the fragrance of a flower. 

The boys and girls of South Carolina and the boys and gjjls of 
Ma.ssachusetts went to the same school in the old days. _ Their 
school-masters were t\Tanny and poverty and exile and star\a- 
tion. They heard the wild nnisic of the wol\es' howl, and the 
savages' war cry. They cros.sed the Atlantic in midwinter, 
when — 

Wiuds blew and waters rolled, 

.Strength to the brave, and power, and Deity. 

I They learned in that school little of the grace or the luxurN' of 
of life. But they learned how to build vStates and liow to fight 
t>rants. 

They would have found much, the.se two sisters, to talk 
about of a later time. South Carolina would have talked of her 



9 

boy Christopher (iadsden, who, (>eor<;e Bancroft said, was like a 
inoiintain torrent dashing on an over-shot wheeh And Massa- 
chnsetts wonld try to trnmp the trick with James Otis, that 
flame of fire, who said he seemed to hear the prophetic song of 
the Sybil chanting the springtime of the new^ empire. 

They might dispnte a little as to which of these two sons of 
theirs was the greater. I do not know how that dispnte conld be 
settled, iniless by Otis' own opinion. He said that "Massachn- 
setts sonnded the trnmpet. Bnt it was owing to South Carolina 
that it was assented to. Had it not been for South Carolina no 
Congress would have been appointed. She was all alive, and felt 
at ever\' pore." So perhaps we will accept the verdict of the 
Massachusetts historian, George Bancroft. He said that "When 
we count those who above all others contributed to the great re- 
sult of the Union, we are to name the inspired madman, James 
Otis, and- the unwavering lover of his country, Christopher Gads- 
den." 

It is the same Massachusetts historian, George Bancroft, who 
says that "the public men of South Carolina were ever ruled bv 
their sense of honor, and felt a stain upon it as a wound." 

"Did you ever hear how those wicked boys of mine threw the 
tea into the harbor, " Massachusetts would say; "Oh, yes," South 
Carolina would answer, "but not one of mine was willing to touch 
it. So we let it all perish in a cellar." 

Certainly these two States liked each other prett}' well when 
Josiah Ouincy came down here in 1773 to see Rutledge and Pink- 
ney and Gadsden to concert plans for the coming rebellion. 
King George never interfered very much with }-ou. But \'ou 
could not stand the Boston port bill an\- more than we could. 

There is one thing in which Massachusetts must )ield the palm, 
and that is, the courage to face an earthquake, that terrible ordeal 
in the face of which the bravest manhood goes to pieces, and 
which your people met a few \ears ago with a courage and stead- 
fastness which connnanded the admiration of all mankind. 

If this compan\- had gathered on this spot one hundred and 
twenty years ago to-night the toast would have been that which 
no gathering at Charleston in those days failed to drink — "The 



10 

Unanimous T\vcnt\-six, who would not rescind tlie Massachusetts 
circular." 

" The royal- <^overnor of vSouth Carolina had inxited its as- 
sembly to treat the letters of the Massachusetts 'with the con- 
tempt they deserved;' a committee, composed of Parsons, 
Gadsden, Pinkney, Lloyd, Lynch, Laurens, Rutled<;^e, Elliot, and 
Dart, reported them to be ' founded upon undeniable constitutional 
principles ; ' and the house, sitting with its doors locked, unani- 
mously directed its speaker to signify to that province its entire 
approbation. The governor, that same evening, dissolved the 
assembh- by beat of drums." 

Mr. Winthrop compared the death of Calhoun to the blotting 
out of the constellation of the Southern Cross from the .sky. 

Mr. Calhoun was educated at Yale College, in New England, 
where President Dwight predicted his future greatness in his 
boyhood. It is one of the pleasant traditions of my own faniiU- 
that he was a constant and favorite guest in the house of my 
grandmother, in nu' mother's childhood, and formed a friendship 
with her family which he never forgot. It is. delightful, also, to 
remember on this occasion that Mr. Lamar, that most Southern 
man of Southern men, whose tribute to Mr. Calhoun in this city 
is among the masterpieces of historical literature, paid a discrimi- 
nating and most affectionate tribute also to Charles Sumner at the 
time of his death. 

In this matchless eulog)' Mr. Lamar disclaims any purpo.se lo 
honor Mr. Sumner because of his high culture, his eminent 
scholarship, or varied learning, but he declares his admiration for 
him because of his high moral qualities and his unquenchable 
love of libertN'. Mr. Lamar adds: ''My regret is that I did not 
obev the impulse often found upon me to go to him and offer 
him niv hand and my heart with it." 

Mr. Lamar closes this ma.ster-piece of eulogistic orator) with 
this significant sentence : " Would that the spirit of the illustrious 
dead whom we honor to-day could speak to both parties in tones 
that would reach every home throughout this broad territoiy, — 
' My countrNincn, know one another, and you will love one an- 
other.' " 



11 

There is another nieiiiorable declaration of Mr. Lamar, whom 
I am proud to have counted among nu' friends. . In his oration 
at the unveiling of the statue of Calhoun, at Charleston, he .said 
that the appeal to arms had "led to the indissolubility of the 
American Union and the universality of American freedom." 

Now, can we not learn a lesson also from this most significant 
fact that this great Southeru^^esman and orator was alike the 
eulogist of Calhoun and th'UP^gist of Sumner? 

For m}self I believe that whateA-er estrangements may have 
existed in the past, or may linger among us now, are born of 
ignorance and will be dispelled by knowledge. I beliexe that of 
our 45 States there are no two who, if they could meet in the 
familiarity of personal intercourse, in the fullness of personal 
knowledge, would not only cease to entertain any bitterness, or 
alienation, or distrust, but each would utter to the other the words 
of the Jewish daughter, in that most exquisite of idylls which 
has come down to us almost from the beginning of time : 

" Entreat me not to leave thee, or to return from following 
after thee ; for whither thou goest, I will go ; and where thou 
lodgest, I will lodge ; thy people shall be my people, and th)- 
(lod ni}' (rod. 

"Where thou diest, will I die, and there will I be buried ; the 
Lord do so to me, and more also, if aught but death part me and 
thee." 

Mr. President, I repeat to-night on Southern soil what I said 
first in my place in the Senate, and what I repeated in Fanenil 
Hall, with the full approbation of an enthusiastic and crowded 
audience, representing the culture and the Puritanism of Massa- 
chusetts. 

The American psople have learned to know, as never before, 
the quality of the Southern stock, and to value its noble contri- 
bution to the American character ; its, courage in war, its attach- 
ment to home and State, its love of rural life, its capacity for 
great affection and generous emotion, its aptness for command ; 
above all, its constancy, that \irtue above all virtues, without 
which no people can long be either great or free. After all, the 
fruit of this vine has a flavor not to be found in other irardens. 



rr/-' 



12 

In the great and magnificent future which is before our country, 
you are to contribute a large share both of strength an1 bsautv. 

The best evidence of our complete reconciliation is that there 
is no subject that we need to hurry l)y witli our fingers on our 
lips. The time has come when Americans, North, South, East 
and West, ma)- discuss any question of public interest in a friend- 
dh- and quiet spirit, without recrimination and without heat, 
each understanding the other, each striving to help the other, as 
men who are bearing a common burden and looking forward with 
a common hope. I know that this is the feeling of the people 
of the North. I think I know that it is the feeling of the peo- 
])le of the South. In our part of the country we have to deal 
with the great problems of the strife between labor and capital, 
and of the government of cities where vast masses of men born 
on foreign soil, of different nationalities and of different races, 
strangers to American principles, to American ideas, to Ameri- 
can history, are gathered together to exercise the unaccustomed 
functions of .self-government in an almost unrestricted libertv. 
You ha\-e to deal with a race problem rendered more difficult still 
b>- a still larger difference in the physical and intellectual quali- 
ties of the two races whom Providence has brought together. 

I should be false to my own manhood if I failed to express mv 
profound regret and sorrow for some occurrences which have 
taken place recently, both in the North and in the South. I am 
bound to .sa\' that, considering all the circumstances, the Northern 
community has been the worse offender. 

It is well known (or if it be not well known I am willing to 
make it known), that I look with inexpressible alarm and dread 
upon the prospect of adding to our population millions of per- 
sons dwelling in tropical climes, aliens in race and in religion, 
either to share in our self-government, or, what is worse still, to 
.set an example to mankind of the subjection of one people to 
another. We ha\-e not yet solved the problem how men of differ- 
ent races can dwell together in the same land in accordance with 
our principles of republican rule and republican libert\-. I am 
not one of those who despair of the solution of that problem in 
justice and in freedom. I do not look upon the dark side when 



13 

I think of the future of our beloved land. I count it the one 
chief good fortune of my own life that, as I grow older, I look 
out on the world with hope and not -despair. We have made 
wonderful advances within the lifetime of the youngest of us. 
While we hear from time to time of occurrences much to be 
deplored and utterly to be condemned, yet, on the whole, we 
are advancing quite as rapidh' as could be expected to the time 
when these races will live together on American soil in freedom, 
in honor and in peace, ever)- man enjoying his just right where- 
ever the American Constitution reigns and wherever the Ameri- 
can flag floats — when the influence of intelligence, of courage, of 
energ}-, inspired b)- a loft}- patriotism and b}' a Christian love will 
have its full and legitimate effect, not through disorder, or force, 
or lawlessness, but under the silent and sure law by which always 
the superior leads and the inferior follows. The time has already 
come when throughout large spaces in our country both races 
are dwelling together in peace and harmou}-. I believe that con- 
dition of things to be the rule in the South and not to be the 
exception. We have a right to claim that the countn- and the 
South shall be judged b}- the rule and not the exception. 

But we want you to stand b\- us in our troubles as brethren 
and as countrymen. We shall have to look, in many perils that 
are before us in the near future, to the conservatism and wis- 
dom of the South, And if the time shall come when )-ou think 
we can help )OU, your draft shall be full)- honored. 

But to-night belongs to the memory of the Pilgrims. The Pil- 
grim of Plymouth has a character in histors' distinct from any 
other. He differed from the Puritan of Salem or Boston in every- 
thing but the formula in which his religious faith was expressed. 
He w'as gentle, peaceful, tolerant, gracious. There was no in- 
tolerance or hatred or bigotry in his little commonwealth. He 
hanged no witches, he whipped no Quakers, he banished no 
lieretic. His little State existed for seventy -two years, when it 
was blended with the Puritan Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
He enacted the mildest code of laws on the face of the earth. 
There were but eight capital offenses in Plymouth. Sir James 
Mackintosh held in his hand a list of two hundred and twentv- 



14 

three when he addressed the House of Coinnions at the bet»-inning 
of the present century. He held no foot of land not fairly ob- 
tained 1)\- honest purchase. He treated the Indian witli justice 
and j^ood faith, .setting an example which \'attel, the foremost 
writer on the law of nations, commends to mankind. In his 
earliest da)-s his tolerance was an example to Roger Williams 
himself, who has left on record his gratitude for the generous 
friendship of Winslow. (lovernor Radford's courtesy entertained 
the Catholic priest, who was his guest, with a fish dinner on P'ri- 
da)-. John Robinson, the great leader of the Pilgrims, uttered the 
world's declaration of religious independence when he told his 
little flock on the wharf at Delft Haven, as reported by Winslow : 
" We are ere long to part asunder and the Lord knoweth whether 
he should live to .see our face again. I>ut, whether the Lord hath 
appointed it or not, he charged us before God and His blessed 
angels to follow him no further than he followed Christ ; and, if 
God should reveal an^'thing to us by any other instrument of his, 
to be as read\- to recei\e it as we were to receive any truth by his 
ministry, for lie was very confident the Lord had more truth and 
light yet to break out of His Holy Word." 

The Pilgrim was a model and an example of a beautiful, simple 
and, stately courtesy. John Robinson, and P)radford, and Brews- 
ter, and Carver, and Winslow differ as much from the dark and 
liaughty Endicott, or the bigoted Cotton INIather as, in the Eng- 
lish church, Jeremy Taylor, and (jcorge Herbert, and Donne, and 
Vaughn differ fro:n Laud, or Bonner, or Bancroft. 

Let us not be misunderstood. I am not my.self a descendant 
from the Pilgrims. E\'ery drop of my blood through e\ery line 
of descent for three centuries has come from a Puritan ancestor. 
I am ready to do battle for the name and fame of the Massachu- 
setts Puritan in any field and again.st any antagonist. Let 
others, if they like, trace their lineage to Norman pirate or to 
robber baron. The children of the Puritan are not ashamed of 
him. The Puritan, as a distinct, vital and predominant ])Ower, 
lived less than a centrnx- in England. He appeared earl\- in the 
reign of Elizabeth, who came to the throne in 1558, and departed 
at the Vestoration of Charles II, in 1660. But in that brief period 



15 

he was the preserver, a}e, the creator of English freedom. By 
the confession of the historians who most dislike him, it is dne to 
him that there is an Eno^lish constitution. He created the 
modern House of Commons. That House, when he took his seat 
in it, was the feeble and timid instrument of despotism. When 
he left it, it was what it has ever since been — the strongest, 
freest, most venerable leg-islati\'e body the world has e^•er seen. 
When he took his seat in it, it was little more than the register 
of the King's command. When he left it, it was. the main de- 
positor)- of the national dignity and the national will. King and 
minister and prelate who stood in his wa)- he brought to the bar 
and to the block. In the brief but crowded century he made the 
name of Englishman the highest title of honor upon the earth. 
A great historian has said: "The dread of his invincible army 
was on all the inhabitants of the island. He placed the name of 
John Milton high on the illustrious roll of the gi'eat poets of the 
world, and the name of Oliver Cromwell highest on the roll of 
English sovereigns." The historian might have added that the . 
dread of this invincible leader was on all the inhabitants of 
Europe. 

I And so, when a son of t-he Puritans comes to the South, when 
he visits the home of the Rutledges and the Pinckne>s and of 
John C. Calhoun, if there be any relationship in heroism or among 
the lovers of constitutional liberty, he feels that he can 

" Claim kindred there and have the claim allowed." 

The Puritan differs from the Pilgrim as the Hebrew prophet 
from St. John. Abraham, ready to sacrifice Isaac at the command 
of God ; Jeremiah, uttering his terrible prophecy of the downfall 
of Judea; Brutus, condenniing his son to death; Brutus, slaying 
his friend for the libert}- of Rome ; Aristides, going into exile, are 
his spiritual progenitors, as Stonewall Jackson was of his spirit- 
ual kindred. You will find him wherever men are sacrificing 
life or the delights of life on the altar of Duty. 

But the Pilgrim is of a gentler and a lovelier nature. . He, too, 
if Duty or Honor call, is ready for the sacrifice. I>ut his weapon 
is love and not hate. His sjnrit is the s]")irit of John, the beloved 



16 

Disciple, the spirit of Grace, ]\Iercy and Peace. His memory is as 
sweet and fragrant as the perfnme of the little flower which jj^ave 
its name to the ship which brout^ht him over. 

So, Mr. President, responding to your setitinK-nt, I give \ou 
mine: 

South Carolina and Massachusetts, the Presb\tcrian and the 
Puritan, the Huguenot and the Pilgrim ; however .separated by 
distance or b)- difference, they will at last surely be drawn to- 
iTcther b\- a common love of libertv and a common faith in God. 



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